Wednesday, September 20, 2017

John Sevier: War Hawk



In preparation for the upcoming John Sevier Days: War Hawk and Hero, a War of 1812 special event, we have a two part blog series on the history of John Sevier's role during this oft forgotten war. Please plan to join us Saturday, September 23 from 9:00am to 4:00pm as we recognize John Sevier's achievements in the latter days of his life.

Part I
On a rainy Friday morning in November, after a long journey on horseback from his home in Tennessee, John Sevier took his seat in the House of Representatives.[1]  The first session of the 12th Congress of the United States had commenced four days earlier.[2]  From the outset, the most pressing issue to this Congress was the question of relations with the United Kingdom[3].For more than a decade, the U.K. had been fighting a desperate and extremely costly war against Napoleon, who had invaded and conquered half of Europe and was set on bringing the rest of the continent under the control of his new empire.  The Royal Navy, constantly in need of manpower and raw materials and not wanting neutral cargoes to aid their enemies, had been pressing foreign merchant seamen into service and confiscating cargoes from neutral ships.[4]  The American and British governments had imposed blockades on each other’s merchant ships, but, by early 1812, the president, James Madison, and many members of Congress felt that a more aggressive approach was needed. 
Madison, a Democratic-Republican from Virginia who harboured a lifelong hatred of the British, and the pro-war congressmen were also angry about the British blockade of French ports and the ports of France’s allies, as the blockade had been hindering the U.S.’s ability to trade with those countries.  Additionally, the pro-war faction accused Britain of helping Native Americans defend their lands against the encroachment of American settlers.  It was also no secret that an American invasion and conquest of Canada would be a goal of the war.[5]The congressional debates leading up to the declaration of war demonstrated that, almost half a century before the outbreak of the Civil War, the new nation was already seriously ideologically divided.  This was not a clear-cut division between North & South, but a distinction between northern & southern voting trends was apparent.  The division down party lines was even more evident.[6]  Bitter arguments ensued both within the chambers of Congress and without.  Some northern congressmen referred to certain of the war hawks as “the madmen from Tennessee and Kentucky”, while some of their southern counterparts accused New England Federalists of desiring reunion with Britain.[7]
Though Sevier almost never spoke on the House floor, his diary and other written records show him to have been a man who was actively involved in his work, dispatched frequent letters to keep the leaders of his home state up to date on the latest developments in Washington, and spent many of his evenings and weekends in the company of cabinet members, high-ranking military personnel, and fellow congressmen. From the time he took his seat in the House until June 1812 (when Congress declared war), he dined with President Madison on no less than three occasions and attended five of Mrs. Madison’s “Wednesday Drawing Rooms”.[8]He dined with House Speaker Henry Clay twice and, perhaps even more significantly, he dined with the French ambassador, Louis Sérurier, thrice, and even spent Christmas 1811 with him.  Sevier was of French descent himself and remained on friendly terms with Sérurier throughout the war.[9]
Sevier also spent a great deal of time with various military leaders, meeting with Abimael Nicoll, the Adjutant General of the Army, in January; dining with Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy, twice; visiting the Navy Yard in April; dining twice with Secretary of State James Monroe; and visiting Secretary of War William Eustis in April.[10]  He wrote a letter to Tennessee governor William Blount on Nov. 11th, 1811, three days after taking his seat in the House, and again on Feb. 23rd, 1812.In a letter written to his son, Col. George Washington Sevier, on Jan. 13th, 1812, Sevier hints at the coming war, updating his son on measures passed in Congress to raise an army, and assuring him that his friends in Washington will “do everything” for his (George’s) promotion in the army. At the end of May 1812, he forwarded a communication from Joel Barlow, the American ambassador to France, to Governor Blount and the heads of the militias of several counties in Tennessee.[11]
By May, the question of repealing the embargo against the U.K. was a daily topic of debate in the House.  On May 6th, the representatives voted on whether to postpone considerations of petitions to end the embargo until the 4th of July.[12]Sevier did not speak during the debate, but another representative from Tennessee, John Rhea, spoke in favor of the embargo and of declaring war.  Sevier and Rhea both voted “yea”. On the following Monday, a representative from Pennsylvania presented petitions from his constituency to end the embargo.  Again the House voted on whether to consider the petitions or postpone deliberating them.  Once more, Sevier did not speak but voted in favor of postponement.[13]
On June 1st, 1812, Madison sent a secret message to both houses of Congress, instructing them to declare war on the U.K.  The doors of the House were closed and the message read.  For the next three days, the House met behind closed doors, under an official injunction of secrecy, and passed the war resolution on the 4th of June with Sevier, of course, voting in favor.  The Senate was even more divided than the House on the matter and almost did not pass the bill.  The “yeas” in the Senate eventually prevailed on June 17th, and the president signed the war declaration the following day.  In both houses, the decision to declare war was the closest and most contested war vote in American history.[14]


Works Cited

1 - Belt, Gordon T. John Sevier: Tennessee’s First Hero. Charleston SC: The History Press,
2014.

2 - Borneman, Walter R. 1812: The War That Forged a Nation. New York: HarperCollins
Publishers, 2004.

3 - Colley, Linda. Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837. Second edition. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 2005.

4 - Driver, Carl Samuel. John Sevier: Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1932.

5 –“John Sevier’s Diary”, in Heiskell, Samuel Gordon,Andrew Jackson and Early Tennessee
History, vol. 2. Nashville: Ambrose Printing Co., 1920. (Includes reprint of entire
diary of John Sevier)

6 - Sevier, Cora Bales. Sevier Family History: With Collected Letters of Gen. John Sevier, First Governor of Tennessee. Washington: N.S. Madden, 1961.
7 - Stagg, J.C.A. The War of 1812: Conflict for a Continent, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2012.

8 - Twelfth Congress, first session. The Debates & Proceedings of the Congress of the
United States. Washington: Gales & Seaton, 1853.

9 - U.S. House of Representatives Offices of the Historian, Art & Archives, & Clerk. “History, Art & Archives: People Search & Session Dates” 2017. United States House of Representatives. Accessed 5 September 2017. <http://history.house.gov/People/Search/>; <http://history.house.gov/Institution/Session-Dates/10-19/>
10 - Vogel, Steve. Through the Perilous Fight: Six Weeks That Saved the Nation. New York:
Random House, 2013.



[1] Heiskell 592
[3] The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland had been formed by an Act of Parliament on January 1st, 1801.  Great Britain was formed by the union of England and Wales with Scotland in 1707 (England and Wales having been joined since 1536). (Colley 11, 322)  During the debates in the House, the representatives seemed only to refer to the country as “Britain” or “Great Britain” and never “the United Kingdom”.  However, the language of Madison’s proclamation of June 19th, 1812, does employ the title “the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland & the dependencies thereof.” (Stagg 47)
[4] Vogel 17-18; Colley 150; Stagg 28-29.  The practice of impressment, or forcing civilians into military service, was not new.  The Royal Navy had used press gangs to take men since at least the mid-18th century, and had been “impressing” seamen from various other countries before it began seizing men from American ships. (Colley 65; Stagg 28)
[5]Borneman 57-59; Stagg 18-22; Vogel 17-18
[6] The representatives from states that would later join the Confederacy (GA, NC, SC, TN & VA) voted decisively for war, with 34 yeas + 8 nays (AL, AR, FL, LA, MS & TX were not yet states as of 1812).  The representatives from states that would remain with the Union were more ideologically & politically diverse, with 45 voting pro-war vs. 41 voting against (though if we include the Civil War border states of MD & KY, which were officially part of the Union but were, in practice, largely pro-Confederacy, as part of the southern states’ tally, the North/South divide is even clearer: 45 yeas + 11 nays from the South vs. 34 yeas + 38 nays from the North.  The only major anomaly in this pattern was PA, which had more Representatives in the House than any other state, save VA: 16 of PA’s 18 Representatives voted for war.  In party terms, every single Federalist in the House voted against the war resolution, while 15 Democratic-Republicans voted nay and 79 voted yea. (12th Congress, 1632-38; Vogel 19; U.S. HoROffices of the Historian, Art & Archives, & Clerk people search)
[7]Sevier, Cora 183
[8] Heiskell 592-99; Belt 146.  Congressmen, businessmen, federal officials, and diplomats attended Mrs. Madison’s weekly open houses.  The President was usually present, sitting “unobtrusively in a corner” and conversing with a small group. (Vogel 112)
[9] Heiskell 509, 592-99
[10]Ibid. 592-99.  Monroe, like the president, was a Democratic-Republican from Virginia.
[11] Ibid. 592, 596, 598; Sevier, Cora 183
[12] As noted by several representatives, postponement of consideration of the petitions until the end of the congressional session effectively meant quashing them.
[13] Twelfth Congress, first session 1379-1414, 1416-19
[14] Twelfth Congress, first session 1478-82, 1587-88, 1624-29, 1632-38; Borneman 51; Stagg 19-22, 45-47; Vogel 19

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